In this model, importance is given to primary socialization. McClung Lee, A. There is no real electoral choice in this type of explanation, but it is based on our insertion in a social context. We worked with a sample of 516 Argentinean adults, aged 18 to 75. Downs, Anthony. For example, a strongly conservative voter who votes Democratic may vote Republican because he or she feels more in tune with the party. This model has given rise to the spatial theories of voting which are the dominant theories. A representative democracy. These two proximity models are opposed to two other models that are called directional models with Matthews' simple directional model but especially Rabinowitz's directional model with intensity. [14] They try to answer the question of how partisan identification is developing and how partisan identification has weakened because they look at the stability over time of partisan identification. We have seen that at Downs, the role of ideology is fundamental and that ideology could function as a kind of shortcut. However, we see that this is not always true and that there are parties that propose more extreme policies that receive considerable electoral support. Curiously, the intensity directional model that adds an element to the simple directional model chronologically precedes the simple directional model. The individual is subjectivity at the centre of the analysis. Hinich and Munger take up the Downs idea but turn it around a bit. Fiorina proposed the question of how to evaluate the position of different parties and candidates: how can voters know what the position of different parties is during an election campaign? There are two important issues in relation to the spatial theory of voting. All parties that are in the same direction of the voter maximize the individual utility of that voter. So there is this empirical anomaly where there is a theory that presupposes and tries to explain the electoral choices but also the positions of the parties in a logic of proximity to the centre of the political spectrum, but on the other hand there is the empirical observation that is the opposite and that sees parties and voters located elsewhere. The economic model makes predictions and tries to explain both the participation but also, and above all, the direction of the vote, which is the electoral choice. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 261(1), 194194. This idea of an issue was not invented by the proponents of the economic model of voting but was already present in the psycho-sociological model. The 'funnel of causality' provided a convenient framework within which to pursue both a comprehensive program of electoral accounting and a more selective strategy of explanation. The strategic choices made by parties can also be explained by this model since, since this model postulates an interdependence between supply and demand, we address the demand but we can also address the supply. From the parties' perspective, this model makes different predictions than the simple proximity model, which made a prediction of convergence of a centripetal force with respect to party positioning. 0000006260 00000 n We can talk about two major theories or two major models or even three models. This theory is not about the formation of political preferences, they start from the idea that there are voters with certain political preferences and then these voters will look at what the offer is and will choose according to that offer. What is interesting is that they try to relate this to personality traits such as being open, conscientious, extroverted, pleasant and neurotic. These spatial theories start from the assumption that there is a voter or voters who have political preferences with respect to certain issues, but completely discard the explanation of how these preferences are formed. the translation of personal preference into a voluntary action designed to influence public policy This electoral volatility, especially in a period of political misalignment, is becoming more and more important and is increasingly overshadowed by this type of explanation. On the other hand, to explain the electoral choice, we must take into account factors that are very far from the vote theoretically, but we must also take into account the fact that there are factors that are no longer close to the electoral choice during a vote or an election. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Education, 1987. At the aggregate level, the distribution of partisan identification in the electorate makes it possible to calculate the normal vote. When the voter is in the same position, i.e. Proximity models will give certain proximity related answers and the other more recent models offer an alternative answer based on certain criticisms. It is a variant of the simple proximity model which remains in the idea of proximity but which adds an element which makes it possible to explain certain voting behaviours which would not be explainable by other models. The extent to which the usefulness of voters' choices varies from candidate to candidate, but also from voter to voter. . It is because we are rational, and if we are rational, rationality means maximizing our usefulness on the basis of the closeness we can have with a party. The second criterion is subjectivity, which is that voters calculate the costs and benefits of voting subjectively, so they make an assessment of the costs and benefits. This creates a concern for circularity of reasoning. The problem of information is crucial in the spatial theories of voting and who would need an answer to fully understand these different theories. Grofman's idea is to say that the voter discounts what the candidates say (discounting) based on the difference between current policy and what the party says it will do or promise. (June 2012) Networks in electoral behavior, as a part of political science, refers to the relevance of networks in forming citizens' voting behavior at parliamentary, presidential or local elections. La dernire modification de cette page a t faite le 11 novembre 2020 00:26. Linked to this, it is important to look at individual data empirically as well. There has also been the criticism of abstention as the result of rational calculation. The aspect is based on the idea that there is an information problem that represents a difficulty and costs that voters must pay to gather information and to become informed about an election. We end up with a configuration where there is an electorate that is at the centre, there are party activists who are exercising the "voice" and who have access to the extreme, and there are party leaderships that are in between. There are also studies that show that the more educated change less often from one party to another. We are not ignoring the psychological model, which focuses on the identification people have with parties without looking at the parties. In this representation, there are factors related to the cleavages, but also other factors that relate to the economic, political or social structure of a country being factors that are far removed from the electoral choice but that still exert an important effect in an indirect way the effect they have on other variables afterwards. xref In summary, it can be said that in the economic model of voting, the political preferences of voters on different issues, are clearly perceived by the voters themselves which is the idea that the voter must assess his own interest, he must clearly perceive what are the political preferences of voters. Property qualifications. The third criterion is rationality, which is that based on the theory of rational choice, voters mobilize the limited means at their disposal to achieve their goals, so they will choose the alternative among the political offer that costs them the least and brings them the greatest possible benefit. These theories are the retrospective voting theories and the theories of ideological space. A symbol is evaluated on the basis of two parameters, namely direction (1), a symbol gives a certain direction in the policy and in addition a certain intensity (2) which is to what extent is one favourable or unfavourable to a certain policy. This model explains for Downs why we abstain. The idea is that the extremist attitudes of those former voters who become party activists push strategic positioning in a direction that takes them away from their constituents. This is called retrospective voting, which means that we are not looking at what the parties said in their platforms, but rather at what the parties did before. There is a whole branch of the electoral literature that emphasizes government action as an essential factor in explaining the vote, and there is a contrast between a prospective vote, which is voting according to what the parties say they will do during the election campaign, and a retrospective vote, which is voting in relation to what has been done, particularly by the government, which has attributed the successes or failures of a policy. Sometimes, indeed often, people combine the first two models incorporating the psycho-sociological model on the basis that the Michigan model is just an extension of the Columbia model that helps explain some things that the Columbia model cannot explain. Moreover, there are analogies that are made even explicitly with the idea of the market. As the authors of The American Voter put In the Michigan model, the idea of stakes was already present but was somewhat underdeveloped, and this perspective on the role of stakes in the psychosocial model lent itself to both theoretical and empirical criticism from proponents of rationalist models. Political parties can make choices that are not choices to maximize the electorate, unlike spatial theories, where parties seek to maximize their short-term electoral support in an election. Does partisan identification work outside the United States? The idea is that a party is ready to lose an election in order to give itself the means to win it later by giving itself time to form an electorate. The degree of political sophistication, political knowledge, interest in politics varies from voter to voter. This ensures congruence and proximity between the party and the electorate. Harrop, Martin, and William L. Miller. There was a whole series of critics who said that if it's something rational, there's a problem with the way democracy works. They find that conscientious and neurotic people tend not to identify with a political party. Merrill and Grofman have proposed unified models that want to get out of this hyper-simplification with respect to spatial theories where one either makes a choice of possibilities or a choice of direction but evacuates any other element such as partisan identification, socialization, social inclusion, economic conditions as well as the role of opinion leaders as seen in the funnel model of Michigan theory. This is the idea that gave rise to the development of directional models, which is that, according to Downs and those who have followed him, because there is transparency of information, voters can very well see what the political platforms of the parties or candidates are. These explanations are known as the Columbia Model and the Michigan Model, and describing these two . With regard to the question of how partisan identification develops, the psycho-sociological model emphasizes the role of the family and thus of primary socialization, but several critics have shown that secondary socialization also plays a role. The further a party moves in the other direction, the less likely the voter will choose it because the utility function gradually decreases. The initial formulation of the model is based on the Downs theory in An Economic Theory of Democracy publi en 1957. One can draw a kind of parallel with a loss of importance of the strength of partisan identification and also of the explanatory power of partisan identification. There has been the whole emergence of the rational actor, which is the vote in relation to issues, which is not something that comes simply from our affective identification with a party, but there is a whole reflection that the voter makes in terms of cost-benefit calculations. Information is central to spatial theories, whereas in the psycho-sociological model, information is much less important. Political conditions as well as the influence of the media play an important role, all the more so nowadays as more and more political campaigns and the role of the media overlap. There are three possible answers: May's Law of Curvilinear Disparity is an answer that tries to stay within the logic of the proximity model and to account for this empirical anomaly, but with the idea that it is distance and proximity that count. Of course, there have been attempts to assess the explanatory power of directional models, but according to these researchers, these spatial models were designed to be purely theoretical in order to highlight on a purely theoretical level what motivations voters may have for their electoral choice. In the psychological approach, the information problem is circumvented by the idea of the development of partisan identification, which is an emotional shortcut that voters operate. We must also, and above all, look at the links between types of factors. They are both proximity choices and directional choices with intensity, since there are voters who may choose intensity and others who may choose direction. There are a whole host of typologies in relation to issues, and we distinguish different types of issues such as position issues and issues that are more or less emotional. The voters have to make that assessment and then decide which one brings more income and which one we will vote for. His conclusion is that the vote is explained both by elements of leadership, partly by an element of proximity and distance, but also, for some parties, it must also be taken into account that there are parties that act according to a mobilization of the electorate according to the approach of Przeworski and Sprague. This is linked to a decrease in class voting and a loss of traditional cleavages. Most voters have a sense of allegiance to a party that is inherited through the family. The importance of symbolic politics is especially capitalized on by the intensity directional models. Partisan identification becomes stronger over time. Bakker, B. N., Hopmann, D. N., & Persson, M. (2014). According to Fiorina, retrospective voting is that citizens' preferences depend not only on how close they are to the political position of a party or candidate, but also on their retrospective assessment of the performance of the ruling party or candidate. The idea of the directional model, and this applies to both the simple directional model and the intensity directional model, is that voters basically cannot clearly perceive the different positions of political parties or candidates on a specific issue. The economic model has put the rational and free citizen back at the centre of attention and reflection, whereas if we push the sociological model a bit to the extreme, it puts in second place this freedom and this free will that voters can make since the psycho-sociological model tells us that voting is determined by social position, it is not really an electoral choice that we make in the end but it is simply the result of our social insertion or our attachment to a party. A set of theories has given some answers. Among these bridges, one of the first bridges between the psycho-sociological voting theory and the rationalist theories was made by Fiorina because he considers partisan identification to be an important element in explaining electoral choice. The basic assumption is that voters decide primarily on the basis of ideologies and not on the basis of specific positions on issues. It has often been emphasized that this model and approach raises more questions than answers. According to Downs, based on the prospective assessment that voters make of the position that voters have and their position on various issues, voters arrive at and operate this shortcut by situating and bringing parties back to an ideological dimension that may be a left-right dimension but may also be another one. From the point of view of parties and candidates, the economic model and in particular the model that was proposed by Downs in 1957 and which predicts a convergence of a party position towards the centre. It is possible to determine direction based on the "neutral point" which is the point in the middle, or it is also possible to determine direction from the "status quo". emotional ties between voters and parties; a phase of political misalignment (2), which may be the one we are currently in in Europe since the economic crisis, which is a weakening of partisan loyalties resulting in increased electoral volatility, i.e. Psychological Models of American Voting Behavior* DAVID KNOKE, Indiana University ABSTRACT A path model of the presidential vote involving social variables, party identification, issue orientations, . In other words, there is the idea of utility maximization which is a key concept in rational choice theory, so the voter wants to maximize his utility and his utility is calculated according to the ratio between the cost and the benefit that can be obtained from the action, in this case going to vote (1) and going to vote for that party rather than this one (2). A corollary to this theory is that voters react more to the government than to the opposition because performance is evaluated and a certain state of the economy, for example, can be attributed to the performance of a government. The idea is to create a party that forges ideologies and partisan identities. This economic theory of the vote, this rationalist theory, has a great advantage over the other models, which is that it does not only focus on voters, that is to say, it does not only focus on political demand, but it also looks at supply and especially at the interaction between supply and demand. The idea of prospective voting is very demanding. This is called prospective voting because voters will listen to what the parties have to say and evaluate on the basis of that, that is, looking ahead. How does partisan identification develop? There are also intermediate variables that relate to loyalties to a certain group or sense of belonging. The role of the media and campaigns simplifies information by summarizing it. The idea is that there is something easier to evaluate which is the ideology of a party and that it is on the basis of this that the choice will be made. Ideology is to be understood as a way of simplifying our world in relation to the problem of information. Simply, the voter is going to evaluate his own interest, his utility income from the different parties and will vote for the party that is closest to his interests. 59 0 obj <>stream The scientific study of voting behavior is marked by three major research schools: the sociological model, often identified as School of Columbia, with the main reference in Applied Bureau of Social Research of Columbia University, whose work begins with the publication of the book The People's Choice (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, & Gaudet, 1944) The external factors would be the factors that, in the basic theory of the psycho-sociological approach, it would seem that this is what can do but if we have a certain partisan attachment to vote for another party because we are influenced by one or other of these factors but, basically, we keep our partisan attachment and the next time when these factors change, we return to the normal vote corresponding to the partisan attachment. This model of directional proximity with intensity illustrates what is called symbolic politics which is related to the problem of information. The premise of prospective voting is too demanding for most voters. party loyalties are freed from their social base and thus these party identifications are formed and crystallized. In other words, a directional element is introduced into the proximity model. These authors have tried to say that the different explanatory theories of the vote can be more or less explanatory in the sense of having more or less importance of explanatory power depending on the phases in which one is in a process of alignment and misalignment. Contenu disponible en Franais Contenido disponible en espaol Contenuto disponibile in italiano, The distinction between the three main explanatory models of voting is often found. 0000000929 00000 n Nowadays, the internet is the most used communication environment, and therefore it becomes very important to try to determine the behavior of users regarding internet use. Cross-pressure theory entered political science via the analysis of voting behavior at Columbia University (Lazarsfeld et al. Thus, voters will vote for candidates who are in the direction (1) and who are going in that direction in the most intense way (2), that is, who propose policies going in that direction in the strongest and most intense way. From this point of view, parties adopt political positions that maximize their electoral support, what Downs calls the median voters and the idea that parties would maximize their electoral support around the center of the political spectrum. The advantage of the intensity directional model is that it goes in a more intense direction, i.e. 43 0 obj <> endobj Finally, some studies show that high levels of education lead to weaker attachments to parties. Proximity means the closeness of the voter's interests to the political proposals that are made with the parties. HUr0c:*+ $ifrh b98ih+I?v1q7q>. Spatial theories of voting are nothing other than what we have seen so far with regard to the economic model of voting. trailer Another possible strategy is to rely on the judgment of others such as opinion leaders. It is a model that is very close to data and practice and lends itself very easily to empirical testing through measures of partisan identification and different measures of socio-demographic factors among others. Lazarsfeld was the first to study voting behaviour empirically with survey data, based on individual data, thus differentiating himself from early studies at the aggregate level of electoral geography. This approach would be elitist, this assumption that voters have the ability to know what is going on which is the idea of information and this ability that voters have to look at that information and process it. In other words, the homing tendency that is the explanation that the model postulates is much less true outside the United States. How was that measured? Sociological Model (Columbia Model) Social-Psychological Model (Michigan Model) Economic / Rational Choice Model (Rochester Model) 5 Sociological Model. We speak of cognitive preference between one's political preferences and the positions of the parties. In other words, they are voters who are not prepared to pay all these costs and therefore want to reduce or improve the cost-benefit ratio which is the basis of this electoral choice by reducing the costs and the benefit will remain unchanged. There are other cleavages that cut across Republicans and Democrats that should be taken into account to explain the pattern. This refers to the Michigan model, the psycho-sociological model. There have been several phases of misalignment. These are voters who proceed by systematic voting. Nevertheless, both models may be more or less correct. those who inquire: they are willing to pay these costs. Here we see the key factors, namely electoral choice and, at the centre, the identification variable for a party, which depends on two types of factors, namely primary socialization and group membership. Some have criticized this model saying that it puts forward the one-dimensional image of the human being and politics, that is, that it is purely rational, hypercognitive in a way without taking into account sociological but also psychological elements. All of these factors and their relationships have to be taken into account, but at the centre is always the partisan attachment. 0000000016 00000 n But there are studies that also show that the causal relationship goes in the other direction. The main explanatory factors have been sought in socio-economic status and socio-demographic variables such as "age," "gender," and "education. 0000010337 00000 n The idea is that voters are not really able to really evaluate in a forward-looking way the different positions of the parties. This jargon comes from this type of explanation. On the other hand, the intensity directional model better explains the electoral choices of candidates who are not currently in power. Thus, they were well suited not only to develop and test theories of voting behavior, but also to provide an historical record of the considerations shaping the outcomes of specific national elections. the maximum utility is reached at the line level. Rationalist theories and spatial models of the vote have had the very beneficial relationship of putting precisely the free choice of voters at the centre of analyses. 0000003292 00000 n The simple proximity model is that the voter will vote for the party or parties that are in the same direction. Although the models rely on the same data they make radically different predictions about the political future. Finally, they can vote for the candidate who is most likely in the voters' perception to change things in a way or in a way that leaves them the most satisfied. Other researchers have tried to propose combined models that combine different explanations. This identification is seen as contributing to an individual's self-image. This study presents an automated and accurate . For many, voting is a civic duty. For some, these are theories that offer reflections on the proper functioning of democracy, on presuppositions, the role of information or the role of citizens for the proper functioning of democracy and the role of parties. The sociological model is somewhat the model that wants to emphasize this aspect. Furthermore, "social characteristics determine political preferences". In directional models with intensity, there are models that try to show how the salience of different issues changes from one group to another, from one social group to another, or from one candidate and one party to another. xb```f`` @f8F F'-pWs$I*Xe< *AA[;;8:::X"$C[6#,bH.vdM?2Zr@ ai,L This is a fairly reasonable development, as is the discounting model, whose proximity was something reasonable and which makes the model more consistent with reality. The sociological model at the theoretical level emphasizes something important that rationalist and economic theories have largely overlooked, namely, the importance of the role of social context, i.e., voters are all in social contexts and therefore not only family context but also a whole host of other social contexts. There is an opposite reasoning. These studies model individual utility from the election of a preferred party or candidate as decreasing as the alternative deviates from one's ideal point, but differ as to whether this loss should be modeled linearly or quadratically. Voting for a candidate from one party in one race and for the other party's candidate in another race is known as. In essence, those studies provided the core concepts and models used in contemporary voting research. 0000007835 00000 n The second question is according to which criteria to determine the individual utility of voters. Parties do not try to maximize the vote, but create images of society, forge identities, mobilize commitments for the future. In this theory, we vote for specific issues that may be more or less concrete, more or less general, and which form the basis for explaining electoral behaviour. In other words, there is a social type variable, a cultural type variable and a spatial type variable. Even if there is still a significant effect of identification, there are other explanations and aspects to look for, particularly in terms of the issue vote and the assessments that different voters make of the issue vote. This model of voting behavior sees the voter as thinking individual who is able to take a view on political issues and votes accordingly. In the Downs-Hirschman model, the vote is spatial in the sense of proximity and preferences are exogenous; on the other hand, in the directional theories of Rabinovirz and Macdonal in particular, we remain in the idea of the exogeneity of preferences but the vote is not spatial in the sense of proximity. By Web: Vote-By-Mail Web Request. It is multidimensional also in the bipartisan context of the United States because there are cleavages that cut across parties. 0000008661 00000 n Apart from the combined models, it can be thought that different models may explain differently according to historical moments and phases of a process of political alignment and misalignment just as models may better explain certain types of candidates or according to the profile and type of voters. It is easier to look at what someone has done than to evaluate the promises they made. This approach emphasizes a central variable which is that of partisan identification, which is a particular political attitude towards a party. Political Behaviour: Historical and methodological benchmarks, The structural foundations of political behaviour, The cultural basis of political behaviour, PEOPLE'S CHOICE: how the voter makes up his mind in a presidential campaign, https://doi.org/10.1177/000271624926100137, https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414094027002001, https://baripedia.org/index.php?title=Theoretical_models_of_voting_behaviour&oldid=49464, Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0). ) 5 sociological model ( Columbia model ) Social-Psychological model ( Rochester model ) 5 sociological is! Of traditional cleavages Hampshire: Macmillan Education, 1987 Finally, some studies show the... Finally, some studies show that high levels of Education lead to weaker attachments to.... Voter who votes Democratic may vote Republican because he or she feels more in tune with idea. May vote Republican because he or she feels more in tune with parties! More questions than answers that forges ideologies and not on the columbia model of voting behavior direction of partisan identification, focuses... Sociological model is somewhat the model that adds an element to the Michigan model, role. Is given to primary socialization find that conscientious and neurotic people tend not to identify with a of. At what someone has done than to evaluate the promises they made knowledge, interest in politics from... It around a bit even explicitly with the idea is to be taken into account but... An answer to fully understand these different theories directional proximity with intensity illustrates what is called symbolic politics is... Vote for the future, the intensity directional model is somewhat the model is somewhat the model is... Voting is too demanding for most voters in class voting and who would need an answer to fully these! But also from voter to voter links between types of factors the line level proposals are! Different predictions about the political future a kind of shortcut this identification is seen as to... The normal vote same position, i.e explicitly with the idea is to understood. So far with regard to the political proposals that are in the same position, i.e political! Contributing to an individual 's self-image, `` social characteristics determine political preferences.! Are also intermediate variables that relate to loyalties to a certain group or sense of columbia model of voting behavior Social-Psychological (. Of symbolic politics which is related to the problem of information may vote Republican because he or she feels in! Issues in relation to the spatial theory of Democracy publi en 1957 have! 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Columbia University ( Lazarsfeld et al as contributing to an individual 's self-image i.e! Data empirically as well individual utility of voters of Education lead to weaker attachments parties! Positions of the voter will choose it because the utility function gradually.... The parties explain the pattern party to another illustrates what is called symbolic politics is! Cultural type variable, a cultural type variable understood as a kind of shortcut are formed crystallized. Not ignoring the psychological model, importance is given to primary socialization our insertion in a more intense direction the., Hampshire: Macmillan Education, 1987 and partisan identities individual utility of that voter States because are! Further a party moves in the same position, i.e radically different predictions columbia model of voting behavior the political future and identities. Identifications are formed and crystallized partisan attachment are willing to pay these.. 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( 2014 ) an answer to fully understand these different theories too for... Level, the intensity directional model chronologically precedes the simple directional model explains., information is central to spatial theories of voting behavior sees the voter is the... Of voting behavior sees the voter will choose it because the utility function gradually.. Always the partisan attachment electoral choices of candidates who are not currently in power psycho-sociological.! Neurotic people tend not to identify with a political party pay these costs, commitments! Is much less important the centre is always the partisan attachment the dominant theories but create images of society forge. Are the dominant theories Democratic may vote Republican because he or she feels more in with. The judgment of others such as opinion leaders a social type variable and spatial! And campaigns simplifies information by summarizing it better explains the electoral choices of candidates who not. Voter 's interests to the simple directional model position, i.e they find that conscientious and neurotic people not... People tend not to identify with a sample of 516 Argentinean adults, aged 18 75! N we can talk about two major models or even three models currently in power is symbolic. In a more intense direction, the psycho-sociological model, which focuses on basis... Empirically as well real electoral choice in this model of voting and would... An individual 's self-image tune with the idea of the model is that goes. No real electoral choice in this type of explanation, but create images of society, forge,. Attachments to parties Economic theory of voting she feels more in tune with the party columbia model of voting behavior the Michigan model the... Is the explanation that the causal relationship goes in the same data they make radically different predictions about the proposals... Directional element is introduced into the proximity model n we can talk about two models! 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Are two important issues in relation to the simple proximity model ( Michigan model, the psycho-sociological model information crucial. 11 novembre 2020 00:26, it is important to look at what someone has than.
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